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Conclusion
To suggest a way of looking is an appropriate research enterprise, but to suggest a way of doing things differently is to venture upon the thin ice of social policy. Evidence from the present study lends support to the contention that poor black Children in America do not “lack stimulation,” as the formulators of so many social programs have assumed. Rather they appear to be methodically socialized into the preeminent values of a society in which the needs of the group prevail over the needs of the individual. To the extent that values and attitudes are culturally mediated, to that extent poor black children can be said to be “different” from children of white, middle-income families, though, of course, such a generalization would not hold in every instance.
Clear the collective orientation of Afro-Americans has both historical roots and contemporary efficacy. The head start women operate under real constraints both distal and proximal. Yet to lodge the “problem” in institutional structures is also too simple. For in their ability to work cooperatively, to share resources and responsibilities, to see humor in adversity and to accomplish many tasks which include the care of children, the Head Start women achieve something increasingly beyond the grasp of upwardly mobile America—a oneness with others and a common purpose. Far from being helpless pawns in a system, they actively construct a meaningful and consistent order that “works” within—and even in opposition to—the constraints of the bureaucratic order and the society at large.
Ultimately it must be realized that differences among people within American society are deeply grounded in a social system that is premised on an unequal distribution of resources, a society that is product, more than people, oriented, one in which verbal facility, abstraction, and self-achievement are prized to the exclusion of other values.
If policy is to be effected, a first stop may be to acknowledge that individuals are not “right” or “wrong” tat people are net “culturally deprived” and that social groups do not stretch out along a line from “primitive” to “advance.” Rather we live in a world of multiple orders and multiple meanings, and, if we are to fulfill our most basic needs, both to achieve—and to belong, to change—and to maintain, to grow both individually and together, we must find ways to learn from each other about these seemingly contrary forces. In the social sciences we stand, like Newton, on a beach of sand, looking first at this pebble or this shell, while a sea of truth lies undiscovered before us. 展开
To suggest a way of looking is an appropriate research enterprise, but to suggest a way of doing things differently is to venture upon the thin ice of social policy. Evidence from the present study lends support to the contention that poor black Children in America do not “lack stimulation,” as the formulators of so many social programs have assumed. Rather they appear to be methodically socialized into the preeminent values of a society in which the needs of the group prevail over the needs of the individual. To the extent that values and attitudes are culturally mediated, to that extent poor black children can be said to be “different” from children of white, middle-income families, though, of course, such a generalization would not hold in every instance.
Clear the collective orientation of Afro-Americans has both historical roots and contemporary efficacy. The head start women operate under real constraints both distal and proximal. Yet to lodge the “problem” in institutional structures is also too simple. For in their ability to work cooperatively, to share resources and responsibilities, to see humor in adversity and to accomplish many tasks which include the care of children, the Head Start women achieve something increasingly beyond the grasp of upwardly mobile America—a oneness with others and a common purpose. Far from being helpless pawns in a system, they actively construct a meaningful and consistent order that “works” within—and even in opposition to—the constraints of the bureaucratic order and the society at large.
Ultimately it must be realized that differences among people within American society are deeply grounded in a social system that is premised on an unequal distribution of resources, a society that is product, more than people, oriented, one in which verbal facility, abstraction, and self-achievement are prized to the exclusion of other values.
If policy is to be effected, a first stop may be to acknowledge that individuals are not “right” or “wrong” tat people are net “culturally deprived” and that social groups do not stretch out along a line from “primitive” to “advance.” Rather we live in a world of multiple orders and multiple meanings, and, if we are to fulfill our most basic needs, both to achieve—and to belong, to change—and to maintain, to grow both individually and together, we must find ways to learn from each other about these seemingly contrary forces. In the social sciences we stand, like Newton, on a beach of sand, looking first at this pebble or this shell, while a sea of truth lies undiscovered before us. 展开
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结论
意味着看的方法是一个适当的研究企业, 但是意味着不同地做事物的方法将在社会政策的瘦冰之上冒险一试。 来自现在的研究的证据增添支持给争论在美国的贫穷的黑色孩子不 "缺乏刺激 ," 当这么多社会的计画的配方已经假定。 宁可他们似乎有系统的被进入社会的优秀价值之内在哪类群的需要在个体的需要之上采用社会化。到那范围哪一评价和态度文化上地被斡旋, 对贫穷的黑色孩子能被说从白色又中央-收入科的孩子,虽然是 " 不同的 ", 当然的那范围,如此的一个泛化不在每个例证中支撑。
清除非洲系美国人的集体定向有历史的根和同时代的效能。 抢先女人在真正的限制远端的和近端的之下操作。 然而投宿制度的结构的 " 问题 " 也是太简单的。 为在他们的能力合作地工作, 分享资源和职责, 见到不幸的幽默并且完成包括孩子的照料的许多工作, 抢先女人逐渐地达成某事超过向上升美国的把握-和其它和一个通常的目的一个单一性。 遥远地从作为一个系统的无助的典当, 他们积极地构造一个意义深长的和一致的目哪一 " 作品 " 在-里面和甚至-的反对中一般地的官僚目的限制和社会。
最后它一定被了解，在美国社会里面的人之中的不同深深地在一个社会的系统被置于地面在资源的不相等分配，产品的一个社会上被提论, 比人更多, 定向, 一在哪一个口述的设备，抽象化, 和自己的-成就被珍视到其他价值的排除。
如果政策是被产生, 一个第一个站可能将承认，个体不是 " 权利 " 或者 " 错误的 " 梭编人是净余的 " 文化上地剥夺 " 而且社会的类群不沿着一条线伸展出从 " 原始人 " 到 "前进。" 宁可我们住在一个多个目的世界和多意义, 和, 如果我们将实现我们最基本的需要, 两者的达成-和属于, 改变-和维持, 个别地而且一起生长, 我们一定找方法有关这些表面上相反的军队从彼此学习。 在社会科学中，在一个砂的海滩上，我们站,像牛顿, 在这小圆石或这一个壳瓣看起来第一, 当一个事实谎言的海时候未发现的在我们之前。
意味着看的方法是一个适当的研究企业, 但是意味着不同地做事物的方法将在社会政策的瘦冰之上冒险一试。 来自现在的研究的证据增添支持给争论在美国的贫穷的黑色孩子不 "缺乏刺激 ," 当这么多社会的计画的配方已经假定。 宁可他们似乎有系统的被进入社会的优秀价值之内在哪类群的需要在个体的需要之上采用社会化。到那范围哪一评价和态度文化上地被斡旋, 对贫穷的黑色孩子能被说从白色又中央-收入科的孩子,虽然是 " 不同的 ", 当然的那范围,如此的一个泛化不在每个例证中支撑。
清除非洲系美国人的集体定向有历史的根和同时代的效能。 抢先女人在真正的限制远端的和近端的之下操作。 然而投宿制度的结构的 " 问题 " 也是太简单的。 为在他们的能力合作地工作, 分享资源和职责, 见到不幸的幽默并且完成包括孩子的照料的许多工作, 抢先女人逐渐地达成某事超过向上升美国的把握-和其它和一个通常的目的一个单一性。 遥远地从作为一个系统的无助的典当, 他们积极地构造一个意义深长的和一致的目哪一 " 作品 " 在-里面和甚至-的反对中一般地的官僚目的限制和社会。
最后它一定被了解，在美国社会里面的人之中的不同深深地在一个社会的系统被置于地面在资源的不相等分配，产品的一个社会上被提论, 比人更多, 定向, 一在哪一个口述的设备，抽象化, 和自己的-成就被珍视到其他价值的排除。
如果政策是被产生, 一个第一个站可能将承认，个体不是 " 权利 " 或者 " 错误的 " 梭编人是净余的 " 文化上地剥夺 " 而且社会的类群不沿着一条线伸展出从 " 原始人 " 到 "前进。" 宁可我们住在一个多个目的世界和多意义, 和, 如果我们将实现我们最基本的需要, 两者的达成-和属于, 改变-和维持, 个别地而且一起生长, 我们一定找方法有关这些表面上相反的军队从彼此学习。 在社会科学中，在一个砂的海滩上，我们站,像牛顿, 在这小圆石或这一个壳瓣看起来第一, 当一个事实谎言的海时候未发现的在我们之前。
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最后建议一种方式是找一个适当的科研企业 但建议做法不同的是创业薄冰社会政策. 从目前的研究证据支持了贫困,争夺美洲黑人儿童并不"缺乏刺激",如此众多的社会方案的制定者承担. 而他们似乎是有条不紊超前进入社会价值观的社会,是需要战胜77个人的需要. 以至于到文化价值和态度介、 该程度差,可以说是黑人孩子"不同"从白人的孩子,中等收入家庭,虽然 当然,就不会有这样的概括来说每. 集体明确方向非裔美国人既有历史根源和当代功效. 女头部开始在实际操作中的限制及近端远端. 然而,提出"问题"的体制结构也过于简单. 对他们的工作能力,合作、资源共享、责任 在逆境中看到幽默,来完成许多任务,其中包括照顾子女 女头部开始有所超越掌握上流越来越美了统一性与他人共同目标. 远非一个棋子无奈体系 他们积极建构一个有意义的和连贯,使"工程",甚至对立-制约官僚秩序和社会大众. 最后要知道,在美国社会中人与人之间的差异是深深扎根于社会制度的前提是一个资源分配不均, 这是一个社会的产物,比人为本,在其中口头设施,抽象、 和自我实现的气韵排斥其他价值. 如果政策能够治愈 一首站可能不承认个人"权利"或"错"达人净"文化剥夺",社会团体不伸沿一条线,由"原始"到"提前" 而我们生活的世界多命令和多层意义, 而如果我们要实现我们最基本的需要,既达到-以及所属的改变和保持, 无论是个人成长起来, 我们必须设法对这些看似相互学习相反的力量. 我们主张在社会科学,像牛顿、一滩砂, 这还是第一次看这个鹅卵石外壳,而在于未大海真理面前.
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