Question

哪里有肯尼迪，罗斯福的演讲稿？？？

最好是英文的~~
呵呵,还有没有林肯的呢?最好是英文,谢谢哈~~

Answer 1

　　我们唯一恐惧的就是恐惧本身
　　1933.3.4
　　富兰克林·罗斯福

　　(Franklin D. Roosevelt)
　　Mar. 4, 1933.

　　President Hoover Mister Chief Justice, my friends:

　　This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction in the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impeIs. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly Nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today This great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper So first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself - nameless, unreasoning, un justified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.

　　In such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen, government of all kinds is faced by serious curtaiIment of income, the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side, farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.

　　More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.

　　And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plagUe of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and
　　were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for Nature surrounds us with her bounty and human, efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.

　　True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition. Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money Stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.

　　Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civiIization. We may now restore that temp1e to the ancient truths. A measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.

　　Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.

　　Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too of ten has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty on honon on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. Without them it cannot live.

　　Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This nation is asking for action, and action now.

　　Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we take it wise1y and courageously It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.

　　Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.

　　Yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are of ten scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by mere1y talking about it. We must act, we must act quickly.

　　And finally in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people-s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.

　　These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.

　　Through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making income balance outflow Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.

　　The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States of America - a recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery it is the immediate way it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.

　　In the field of world policy I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor. The neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so, respects the rights of
　　others. The neighbor who respects his ob1igation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.

　　If I read the temper of our people correctly we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well. That if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discip1ine, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. We are all ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a 1eadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offet we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.

　　With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems. Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors. Our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.

　　And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority wi1l be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for underlay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.

　　We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.

　　We do not distrust the future of essential democracy The people of the United States have not failed. In their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift, I take it.

　　In this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the b1essings of God, may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the days to come.

　　We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom. Symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning, signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you, and almighty God, the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed [3] nearly a century and three quarters ago.
　　The world is very different now, for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty, and all forms of human life. And yet, the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forbears fought are still at issue [4] around the globe. The belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
　　We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth [5], from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage and unwilling to witness, or permit, the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today, at home and around the world.
　　Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well of ill, that we shall pay

　　any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and success of liberty. This much we pledge and more.
　　To those old allies, whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do, in a host of [6] cooperative ventures [7]. Divided there is little we can do. For we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split us asunder.
　　To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our words that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view, but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom, and to remember that in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
　　To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe, struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
　　To our sister republics [8] south of our border, we offer a special pledge, to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress to assist free men and free governments in casting off [9] the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

　　就职演讲
　　－－约翰·肯尼迪
　　今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端；意味着延续也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170年前拟定的庄严誓言。
　　现在的世界已大不相同了。人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困，又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量。但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有着争论。这个信念就是人的权利并非来自国家的慷慨，而是来自上帝恩赐。
　　今天，我们不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承者。让我们的朋友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话：火炬已经传给新一代美国人。这一代人在本世纪诞生，在战争中受过锻炼，在艰难困苦的和平时期受过陶冶，他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪——他们不愿目睹或听任我国一向保证的、今天仍在国内外作出保证的人权渐趋毁灭。
　　让每个国家都知道——不论它希望我们繁荣还是希望我们衰落一为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利，我们将付出任何代价，承受任何负担，应付任何艰难，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敌人。 这些就是我们的保证——而且还有更多的保证。
　　对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友，我们保证待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚。我们如果团结一致，就能在许多合作事业中无往不胜：我们如果分歧对立，就会一事无成——因为我们不敢在争吵不休、四分五裂时迎接强大的挑战。
　　对那些我们欢迎其加入到自由行列中来的新国家，我们恪守我们的誓言：决不让一种更为残酷的暴政来取代一种消失的殖民统治。我们并不总是指望他们会支持我们的观点。但我们始终希望看到他们坚强地维护自己的自由——而且要记住，在历史上，凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者，终必葬身虎口。
　　对世界各地身居茅舍和乡村，为摆脱普遍贫困而斗争的人们，我们保证尽最大努力帮助他们自立，不管需要花多长时间——之所以这样做，并不是因为共产党可能正在这样做，也不是因为我们需要他们的选票，而是因为这样做是正确的。自由社会如果不能帮助众多的穷人，也就无法挽救少数富人。
　　对我国南面的姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证——在争取进行的新同盟中，把我们善意的话变为善意的行动，帮助自由人们和自由的政府摆脱贫困的枷锁。但是，这种充满希望的和平革命决不可以成为敌对国家的牺牲品。我们要让所有邻国都知道，我们将和他们在一起，反对在美洲任何地区进行侵略和颠覆活动。让所有其他国家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家园的主人。 1961. 1. 20

Answer 2

富兰克林．罗斯福就职演讲：四大自由
第三种人 @ 2005-04-21 00:08

世界大战在一九一四年骤然爆发的时候，这场战争对我们美国本身的前途似乎仅有轻微的威胁。但是，随着时间的推移，美国人民开始体会到各民主国家的沦陷对我们美国的民主制度会意味着什么。

我们无须过分强调凡尔赛和约的缺陷。我们也无须反复谈论各民主国家处理世界性破坏问题的失效。我们应该记住，一九一九年的和约与早在慕尼黑会议以前就开始的「和解」（facification）相比，其不公正的程度要小得多；而在那力图向世界各大洲扩展的暴政新秩序下，这种「和解」仍在延续着。美国人民坚定不移地反对那种暴政。

每一个现实主义者都知道，民主的生活方式目前正在世界各地遭到直接的进攻－－或者是武力的进攻，或者是秘密散布的恶毒宣传的进攻。散布这种宣传的是那些企图在仍然维持着和平的国家中破坏团结挑起不和的人。十六个月来，这种进攻已在数目惊人的一批大小独立国家中毁掉了整个民主生活的方式。进攻者仍在步步进逼，威胁着大大小小的其它国家。

……作为你们的总统，执行宪法加诸于我的「向国会报导联邦情况」的责任，我认为必须向你们报告，我们国家和我们民主政治的前途与安全，已经和远离我们国境的许多事件不可抗拒地牵连在一起了。

以武力保卫民主生存的战争，现正在四大洲英勇地进行。倘若这场保卫战失败，所有在欧洲、亚洲、 非洲和澳洲的人口和一切资源，均将为征服者所控制。这些人口和资源合计起来，远超过整个西半球的全部人口和资源的总数－－超过很多倍……

任何现实的美国人都不能期望从一个独裁者的和平中获得国际上的宽容，或真正独立的恢复，或世界性裁军，或言论自由， 或宗教信仰自由，或者甚至公平的贸易。这样的和平决不会给我们或者我们的邻国带来任何安全。「那些宁愿放弃基本自由以求一时安全的人；既不该享有自由，也不该得到安全。……

我最近曾指出，现代战争可以多么迅速地将武器攻击带到我们的身旁，如果独裁国家打赢这场战争，我们就必须预计到这种攻击的到来……

当务之急是，我们的行动和我们的政策都应首先针对(几乎是专门针对)如何对付这种来自国外的危险，因为我们所有的国内问题现在都已成为这一逼近眉睫的问题的一个部分。正如在国内事务上，我们的国策是以尊重国门以内所有同胞的权利和尊严的基础，在外交事务上，我们的国策也以尊重所有大小国家的权利与尊严为依归。道德的公正原则最后将会并且也必然会获得胜利。

我们的国策是：

第一，在明确表达公众意愿以及排除党派偏见的情况下，我们致力于全面的国防。

第二，在明确表达公众意愿以及排除党派偏见的情况下，我们决定对于任何地方反抗侵略致使战火没有燃到我们西半球来的所有英勇民族，予以全力支持。我们用这种支持，来表示我们对民主事业必胜的决心；我们要加强我国本身的防御和安全。

第三，在明确表达公众意愿以及排除党派偏见的情况下，我们决定声明，道德的基本原则和我们对本身安全的考虑，将永不容许我们默认由侵略者所支配和「和解」主义者所赞许的和平。我们知道，持久和平是不能以他人的自由为代价买来的……

新情况不断为我们的安全带来新的需要。我将要求国会大量增加新的拨款并授权继续进行我们已开始的工作。

我也要求本届国会授予足够的权力与经费，以便制造多种多样的额外军需品与战争装备，供给那些现已与侵略国实际作战的国家。

我们最有效和最直接的任务，是充当他们和我们自己的兵工厂。他们不需人力，他们所需的是价值以十亿美元计的防卫武器。 用不了多久，他们将无力用现款偿付这些防御武器。我们不能也不会只因为他们无力偿付我们知道他们必须拥有的武器，便告诉他们必须投降。

我不会建议由我们贷款给他们，再由他们用该款支付购买武器的费用－－一种需用现金偿还的贷款。

我建议由我们设法使那些国家继续从美国取得作战物资，并使他们的定单与我们自己的计划配合起来。一旦时刻到来，他们的几乎全部军用物资都会有利于我们自己的防卫。

根据富有经验的陆海军权威的建议，并且考虑到什么是最有利于我们自身安全，我们可以自由地决定应该在国内保留多少， 应该运给我们的外国朋友多少。他们坚定英勇抗敌，使我们赢得时间为我们自己的防卫作准备。

让我们对民主国家申明：「我们美国人极为关怀你们保卫自由的战争。我们正使用我们的实力、我们的资源和我们的组织力量，使你们有能力恢复和维系一个自由的世界。我们会给你们送来数量日增的舰艇、飞机、坦克和大炮。这是我们的目标，也是我们的誓言。为了实现这个目标，我们不会因独裁者的威胁而退缩不前，这些人认为我们对那些胆敢抵抗他们侵略的民主国家进行支持，是违犯国际公法，是战争行为……

未来几代美国人的幸福，可能要看我们如何有效而迅速地使我们的支持产生影响而定。没有人知道，我们要面对的紧急处境是属于怎样一种性质。在国家命脉临危的时候，国家的双手绝对不能受缚。我们全体都必须准备为那种和战争本身一样严重的非常时期的要求，作出牺牲。任何阻碍迅速而有效地进行防卫准备的事，都必须为国家的需要让路……

如同人们并非单靠面包生活一样，他们也并非单靠武器来作战。那些坚守我们防御工事的人以及在他们后面建立防御工事的人必须具有耐力和勇气，而所有这些均来自对他们正在保卫的生活方式所抱的不可动摇的信念。我们所号召的伟大行动，是不可能以忽视所有值得奋斗的东西为基础的。

美国民主生活的保持是与个人利害攸关的，举国上下，对于促使人民明白这一点而做的种种事情，都非常满意，并且从中汲取了巨大力量。那些事情使我们人民的气质坚强起来，重建了他们的信心，也加强了他们对大家准备保卫的各种制度的忠诚。当然，现在并非停止考虑各种社会和经济问题的时候，这些问题都是社会革命的根本原因，而这种革命则是今天世界的一个主要因素。

一个健全巩固的民主政治的基础并不神秘。我们人民对政治和经济制度所抱的基本期望十分简单。它们是：给青年和其它人以均等机会；给能工作的人以工作；给需要保障的人以保障；终止少数人享有的特权；保护所有人的公民自由权；在生活水平更普遍和不断提高的情况下，享受科学进步的成果。

在我们这个混乱和极端复杂的现代世界中，这些是决不应忽视的简单而基本的事项。我们的各种经济和政治体制的内在和持久的力量，取决于它们满足这些期望的程度。

有不少与我们社会经济有关的事项，需要立即改善。例如：我们应当使更多的公民得到老年退休金和失业保险的保障。我们应当扩大那种使人们得到充分医疗照顾的机会。我们应当制订一套更好的制度，使那些应当并需要获得有薪职业的人们能够就业。

我曾经号召大家作个人的牺牲。我已得到保证，几乎每个美国人都心甘情愿响应我这个号召……

在我们力求安定的未来的岁月里，我们期待一个建立在四项人类基本自由之上的世界。

第一是在全世界任何地方发表言论和表达意见的自由。

第二是在全世界任何地方，人人有以自己的方式来崇拜上帝的自由。

第三是不虞匮乏的自由－－这种自由，就世界范围来讲，就是一种经济上的融洽关系，它将保证全世界每一个国家的居民都过健全的、和平时期的生活。

第四是免除恐惧的自由－－这种自由，就世界范围来讲，就是世界性的裁减军备，要以一种彻底的方法把它裁减到这样的程度：务使世界上没有一个国家有能力向全世界任何地区的任何邻国进行武力侵略。

这并不是对一个渺茫的黄金时代的憧憬，而是我们这个时代和我们这一代人可以实现的一种世界的坚实基础，这种世界，和独裁者想用炸弹爆炸来制造的所谓「新秩序」的暴政，是截然相反的。

对于他们那个新秩序，我们是以一种伟大的观念－－道德秩序来与之相对抗的。一个优越的社会，是可以同样毫无畏惧地面对各种征服世界和在国外制造革命的阴谋的。

自美国有史以来，我们一直在从事改革－－一种永久性的和平革命－－一种连续不断而静悄悄地适应环境变化的革命－－并不需要任何集中营或万人冢。我们所追求的世界秩序，是自由国家间的合作，以及在友好、文明的社会里共同努力。

这个国家，已把它的命运交到它千百万自由男女的手里，脑里和心里；把它对于自由的信仰交由上帝指引。自由意味着在任何地方人权都是至高无上的。

凡是为了取得或保持这种权利而斗争的人，我们都予以支持。我们的力量来自我们的目标一致。

为了实现这一崇高的观念，我们是不获全胜绝不休止的。

罗斯福就职演讲

来源: 时间:2005-09-18

胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们：
今天，对我们的国家来说，是一个神圣的日子。我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。现在正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻。我们不必畏首畏尾，不老老实实面对我国今天的情况。这个伟大的国家会一如既往地坚持下去，它会复兴和繁荣起来。因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。
我和你们都要以这种精神，来面对我们共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。价值难以想象地贬缩了；课税增加了；我们的支付能力下降了；各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺；交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结；工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见；农场主的产品找不到销路；千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。
更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生存问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。
但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力已使之倍增。富足的情景近在咫尺，但就在我们见到这种 情景的时候，宽裕的生活却悄然离去。这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经认定失败了，并撒手不管了。贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径。将受到舆论法庭的起诉，将受到人类心灵理智的唾弃。
是的，他们是努力过，然而他们用的是一种完全过时的方法。面对信贷的失败，他们只是提议借出更多的钱。没有了当诱饵引诱 人民追随他们的错误领导的金钱，他们只得求助于讲道，含泪祈求人民重新给予他们信心。他们只知自我追求者们的处世规则。他们没有眼光，而没有眼光的人是要灭亡的。
如今，货币兑换商已从我们文明庙宇的高处落荒而逃。我们要以千古不变的真理来重建这座庙宇。衡量这重建的尺度是我们体现比金钱利益更高尚的社会价值的程度。
幸福并不在于单纯地占有金钱；幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦，在于创造努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励，而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些暗淡的时日能使我们认识到，我们真正的天命不是要别人侍奉，而是为自己和同胞们服务，那么，我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。
认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，我们就会抛弃以地位尊严和个人收益为唯一标准，来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念；我们必须制止银行界和企业界的一种行为，它常常使神圣的委托混同于无情和自私的不正当行为。难怪信心在减弱，信心，只有靠诚实、信誉、忠心维护和无私履行职责。而没有这些，就不可能有信心。
但是，复兴不仅仅只要改变伦理观念。这个国家要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。
我们最大、最基本的任务是让人民投入工作。只要我信行之以智慧和勇气，这个问题就可以解决。这可以部分由政府直接征募完成，就象对待临战的紧要关头一样，但同时，在有了人手的情况下，我们还急需能刺激并重组巨大自然资源的工程。
我们齐心协力，但必须坦白地承认工业中心的人口失衡，我们必须在全国范围内重新分配，使土地在最适合的人手中发表挥更大作用。
明确地为提高农产品价值并以此购买城市产品所做的努力，会有助于任务的完成。避免许多小家庭业、农场业被取消赎取抵押品的权利的悲剧也有助于任务的完成。联邦、州、各地政府立即行动回应要求降价的呼声，有助于任务的完成。将现在常常是分散不经济、不平等的救济活动统一起来有助于任务的完成。对所有公共交通运输，通讯及其他涉及公众生活的设施作全国性的计划及监督有助于任务的完成。许多事情都有助于任务完成，但这些决不包括空谈。我们必须行动，立即行动。
最后，为了重新开始工作，我们需要两手防御，来抗御旧秩序恶魔卷土从来；一定要有严格监督银行业、信贷及投资的机制：一定要杜绝投机；一定要有充足而健康的货币供应。
以上这些，朋友们，就是施政方针。我要在特别会议上敦促新国会给予详细实施方案，并且，我要向18个州请求立即的援助。
通过行动，我们将予以我们自己一个有秩序的国家大厦，使收入大于支出。我们的国际贸易，虽然很重要，但现在在时间和必要性上，次于对本国健康经济的建立。我建议，作为可行的策略、首要事务先行。虽然我将不遗余力通过国际经济重新协调所来恢复国际贸易，但我认为国内的紧急情况无法等待这重新协调的完成。
指导这一特别的全国性复苏的基本思想并非狭隘的国家主义。我首先考虑的是坚持美国这一整体中各部分的相互依赖性--这是对美国式的开拓精神的古老而永恒的证明的体现。这才是复苏之路，是即时之路，是保证复苏功效持久之路。
在国际政策方面，我将使美国采取睦邻友好的政策。做一个决心自重，因此而尊重邻国的国家。做一个履行义务，尊重与他国协约的国家。
如果我对人民的心情的了解正确的话，我想我们已认识到了我们从未认识的问题，我们是互相依存的，我们不可以只索取，我们还必须奉献。我们前进时，必须象一支训练有素的忠诚的军队，愿意为共同的原则而献身，因为，没有这些原则，就无法取得进步，领导就不可能得力。我们都已做好准备，并愿意为此原则献出生命和财产，因为这将使志在建设更美好社会的领导成为可能。我倡议，为了更伟大的目标，我们所有的人，以一致的职责紧紧团结起来。这是神圣的义务，非战乱，不停止。
有了这样的誓言，我将毫不犹豫地承担领导伟大人民大军的任务，致力于对我们普遍问题的强攻。这样的行动，这样的目标，在我们从祖先手中接过的政府中是可行的。我们的宪法如此简单，实在。它随时可以应付特殊情况，只需对重点和安排加以修改而不丧失中心思想，正因为如此，我们的宪法体制已自证为是最有适应性的政治体制。它已应付过巨大的国土扩张、外战、内乱及国际关系所带来的压力。
而我们还希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等，能充分地担负前所未有的任务。但现在前所未有的对紧急行动的需要要求国民暂时丢弃平常生活节奏，紧迫起来。
让我们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。我们的目标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安。
我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的未来。合众国人民并没有失败。他们在困难中表达了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行动。他们要求有领导的纪律和方向。他们现在选择了我作为实现他们的愿望的工具。我接受这份厚赠。
在此举国奉献之际，我们谦卑地请求上帝赐福。愿上帝保信我们大家和每一个人，愿上帝在未来的日子里指引我。 您现在阅读的文章来自(~204~)"中国人才指南网”,请记住我们的永久域名:www.rczn.cn罗斯福：国会珍珠港演说(Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation)

美国第32任总统富兰克林·D·罗斯福(Franklin D. Roosevelt )(1933—1945)，一直被视为美国历史上最伟大的总统之一，是20世纪美国最孚众望和受爱戴的总统，也是美国历史上惟一连任4届总统的人，从1933年3月起，直到1945年4月去世时为止，任职长达12年。曾赢得美国民众长达7周的高支持率，创下历史记录。

富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福出生于纽约。父亲詹姆斯·罗斯福是一个百万富翁。母亲萨拉·德拉诺比父亲小26岁。罗斯福曾就读于哈佛大学和哥伦比亚大学。1910年任纽约州参议员。1913年任海军部副部长。1921年因患脊髓灰质炎致残。1928年任纽约州长。1932年竞选总统获胜。执政后，以“新政”对付经济危机，颇有成效，故获得1936年、1940年、1944年大选连任。第二次世界大战初，美国采取不介入政策，但对希特勒采取强硬手段，以“租借法”支持同盟国。1941年底，美国参战。罗斯福代表美国两次参加同盟国“三巨头”会议。罗斯福政府提出了轴心国必须无条件投降的原则并得到了实施。罗斯福提出了建立联合国的构想，也得到了实施。63岁时由于脑溢血去世。

很多网友相信都看过电影《珍珠港》(Pearl Harbor)，第二次世界大战在欧亚大陆打的如火如荼，而跨海相隔的美国却隔岸观火，仿佛事不关己。直到1941年12月7日早晨7点53分，日本突袭美军在夏威夷的基地珍珠港。次日，美国总统罗斯福在国会愤然发表了这篇的演说，至此，太平洋战争全面爆发。

Yesterday, December 7th, 1941 -- a date which will live in infamy -- the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.

昨天，1941年12月7日——它将永远成为国耻日——美利坚合众国遭到了日本帝国海空军预谋的突然袭击。

Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.

Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.

Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.

Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.

Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.

And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.

昨天日本政府也发动了对马来地区的进攻。

昨夜日本军队进攻了香港。

昨夜日本军队进攻关岛。

昨夜日本军队进攻菲律宾群岛。

昨夜日本军队进攻威克岛。

今晨日本军队进攻了中途岛。

演讲下载
http://down5.52en.com:8083/speech/我爱英语网_0009_fdrwarmessage.mp3

演讲全文：Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation

Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives:

Yesterday, December 7th, 1941 -- a date which will live in infamy -- the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.

The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.

Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleague delivered to our Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message. And while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.

It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago. During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.

The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces. I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost. In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.

Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.

Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.

Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.

Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.

Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.

And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.

Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area. The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves. The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.

As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense. But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.

No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.

I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.

Hostilities exist. There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.

With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph -- so help us God.

I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.