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But the fate of the European Union itselfwell be very different .The creation of the single currency—obeying the law ofunintended consequences—set in motion a powerful process of Europeandisintegration .The fact that not all 27 EU members joined the monetary unionwas its first manifestation .Today we have a two-tier system ,with 17member-states sharing the euro, but 10 other states—notably Britain—retaining theirown currencies.
但命运欧盟本身是非常不同的。创建单一货币服从意想不到的后果的法律建立一个强大的欧洲解体的过程。事实上并不是所有27个欧盟成员国加入货币联盟的第一次表现。今天我们有一个双层的系统，拥有17个成员国共享欧元，但其他10个国家尤其是英国保留自己的货币.
The result is that key decisions today—particularlythose about the scale of transfers from core nations to the periphery—are beingmade by the 17, not the 27.But the 10 non-euro members may still find themselveson the hook to help fund whatever combination of bailout, haircut and bankrecapitalization the 17 decide on. They may also face more stringent financialregulation or a financial transaction tax, ideas that are much more popular inBerlin than in London.
结果是，关键的今天尤其是那些关于从核心国家转移到周边规模的17，不是27，而是10个非欧元区成员国仍然受制于资助任何组合的救市，发型和银行注资17决定。他们也可能面临更严格的金融监管或金融交易税，这一观点在柏林比伦敦更为流行。
This is an unsustainable imbalance. If theeuro countries are intent on going down the road to federalism—and they don’thave a better alternative—the non-euro countries will face a stark choice: givingup monetary sovereignty or accepting the role of second-class citizens withinthe EU.
这是一个不可持续的失衡。如果欧元区国家在走向联邦制道路的意图，他们没有更好的选择，非欧元区国家将面临一个选择：放弃货币主权或接受二等公民的角色在欧盟。
Under these circumstances, the logic ofcontinued British membership in the EU looks less and less persuasive. Britishpublic opinion has long been deeply Euro-skeptic. If it came to a referendum, asmany Conservatives would like, Britons might well vote to leave the EU. And underArticle 50 of the Treaty of European Union ,withdrawal would simply need to beapproved by a qualified majority of EU members.
在这种情况下，继续英国的欧盟成员国的逻辑看起来越来越不太有说服力。英国舆论一直深受欧洲怀疑论。如果它是一次全民投票，因为许多保守党人会喜欢，英国人可能会投票给欧盟。而根据欧盟条约50条的规定，欧盟成员国必须通过一个合格的欧盟成员国的批准，这一退出将很简单。
但命运欧盟本身是非常不同的。创建单一货币服从意想不到的后果的法律建立一个强大的欧洲解体的过程。事实上并不是所有27个欧盟成员国加入货币联盟的第一次表现。今天我们有一个双层的系统，拥有17个成员国共享欧元，但其他10个国家尤其是英国保留自己的货币.
The result is that key decisions today—particularlythose about the scale of transfers from core nations to the periphery—are beingmade by the 17, not the 27.But the 10 non-euro members may still find themselveson the hook to help fund whatever combination of bailout, haircut and bankrecapitalization the 17 decide on. They may also face more stringent financialregulation or a financial transaction tax, ideas that are much more popular inBerlin than in London.
结果是，关键的今天尤其是那些关于从核心国家转移到周边规模的17，不是27，而是10个非欧元区成员国仍然受制于资助任何组合的救市，发型和银行注资17决定。他们也可能面临更严格的金融监管或金融交易税，这一观点在柏林比伦敦更为流行。
This is an unsustainable imbalance. If theeuro countries are intent on going down the road to federalism—and they don’thave a better alternative—the non-euro countries will face a stark choice: givingup monetary sovereignty or accepting the role of second-class citizens withinthe EU.
这是一个不可持续的失衡。如果欧元区国家在走向联邦制道路的意图，他们没有更好的选择，非欧元区国家将面临一个选择：放弃货币主权或接受二等公民的角色在欧盟。
Under these circumstances, the logic ofcontinued British membership in the EU looks less and less persuasive. Britishpublic opinion has long been deeply Euro-skeptic. If it came to a referendum, asmany Conservatives would like, Britons might well vote to leave the EU. And underArticle 50 of the Treaty of European Union ,withdrawal would simply need to beapproved by a qualified majority of EU members.
在这种情况下，继续英国的欧盟成员国的逻辑看起来越来越不太有说服力。英国舆论一直深受欧洲怀疑论。如果它是一次全民投票，因为许多保守党人会喜欢，英国人可能会投票给欧盟。而根据欧盟条约50条的规定，欧盟成员国必须通过一个合格的欧盟成员国的批准，这一退出将很简单。
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