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OneprivatepassengercarrierthatremainsisSpringAirlines,atenaciousstartuprunbyafounders...
One private passenger carrier that remains is Spring Airlines, a tenacious startup run by a founder so frugal that he shares a 100-square-foot office with his chief executive and takes the sub-way to business meetings.
That founder, Wang Zhenghua, survived in part by building his own computer reservation system. He canceled a planned interview. But in Chinese news reports, he was caustic about the state subsidies given his competitors. ''Now with the injection of 10 billion yuan'' for China Eastern and China Southern, ''everything is in chaos,'' he told Biz Review, a Chinese magazine.
China's private entrepreneurs have a catchphrase for such maneuvers: ''guo jin, min tui,'' or ''the state advances, the private sector retreats.''
State-owned enterprises in China have taken the best of the economy for themselves, ''leaving the private sector drinking the soup while the state enterprises are eating the meat,'' Cai Hua, the vice director of a chamber-of-commerce-style organi-zation in Zhejiang Province, said in an interview.
First in Line
Mr. Cai says he believes that China needs gov-ernment-run industries to compete globally and manage the country's domestic development. But locally, he said, their advantages -- being first in line for financing by state banks, first in line for state bailouts when they get in trouble, first in line for the stimulus gusher -- have created a ''profound inequality'' with private competitors.
Some analysts argue that the state-owned con-glomerates, built with state money and favors into global competitors, have now become political power centers in their own right, able to fend off even Beijing's efforts to rein them in.
Of the 129 major state enterprises, more than half the chairmen and chairwomen and more than one-third of the chief executive officers were ap-pointed by the central organization department of the Communist Party. A score or more serve on the party's Central Committee, which elects the ruling Politburo. They control not just the lifeblood of China's economy, but a corporate patronage system that dispenses top-paying executive jobs to relatives of the party's leading lights.
China's leaders have sought occasionally in the past year to curb speculative excesses by state-controlled businesses in real estate, lending and other areas. In May the State Council, a top-level policy body sometimes likened to the cabinet in the United States, issued orders to give private companies a better shot at government contracts -- for roads and bridges, finance and even military work -- that now go almost exclusively to state-owned companies. Virtually the same rules were issued five years ago, to little effect.
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That founder, Wang Zhenghua, survived in part by building his own computer reservation system. He canceled a planned interview. But in Chinese news reports, he was caustic about the state subsidies given his competitors. ''Now with the injection of 10 billion yuan'' for China Eastern and China Southern, ''everything is in chaos,'' he told Biz Review, a Chinese magazine.
China's private entrepreneurs have a catchphrase for such maneuvers: ''guo jin, min tui,'' or ''the state advances, the private sector retreats.''
State-owned enterprises in China have taken the best of the economy for themselves, ''leaving the private sector drinking the soup while the state enterprises are eating the meat,'' Cai Hua, the vice director of a chamber-of-commerce-style organi-zation in Zhejiang Province, said in an interview.
First in Line
Mr. Cai says he believes that China needs gov-ernment-run industries to compete globally and manage the country's domestic development. But locally, he said, their advantages -- being first in line for financing by state banks, first in line for state bailouts when they get in trouble, first in line for the stimulus gusher -- have created a ''profound inequality'' with private competitors.
Some analysts argue that the state-owned con-glomerates, built with state money and favors into global competitors, have now become political power centers in their own right, able to fend off even Beijing's efforts to rein them in.
Of the 129 major state enterprises, more than half the chairmen and chairwomen and more than one-third of the chief executive officers were ap-pointed by the central organization department of the Communist Party. A score or more serve on the party's Central Committee, which elects the ruling Politburo. They control not just the lifeblood of China's economy, but a corporate patronage system that dispenses top-paying executive jobs to relatives of the party's leading lights.
China's leaders have sought occasionally in the past year to curb speculative excesses by state-controlled businesses in real estate, lending and other areas. In May the State Council, a top-level policy body sometimes likened to the cabinet in the United States, issued orders to give private companies a better shot at government contracts -- for roads and bridges, finance and even military work -- that now go almost exclusively to state-owned companies. Virtually the same rules were issued five years ago, to little effect.
字数多的话 麻烦 邮箱 zhouskyline@sina.com 跪谢 展开
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One private passenger carrier that remains is Spring Airlines, a tenacious startup run by a founder so frugal that he shares a 100-square-foot office with his chief executive and takes the sub-way to business meetings.
That founder, Wang Zhenghua, survived in part by building his own computer reservation system. He canceled a planned interview. But in Chinese news reports, he was caustic about the state subsidies given his competitors. ''Now with the injection of 10 billion yuan'' for China Eastern and China Southern, ''everything is in chaos,'' he told Biz Review, a Chinese magazine.
China's private entrepreneurs have a catchphrase for such maneuvers: ''guo jin, min tui,'' or ''the state advances, the private sector retreats.''
State-owned enterprises in China have taken the best of the economy for themselves, ''leaving the private sector drinking the soup while the state enterprises are eating the meat,'' Cai Hua, the vice director of a chamber-of-commerce-style organi-zation in Zhejiang Province, said in an interview.
First in Line
Mr. Cai says he believes that China needs gov-ernment-run industries to compete globally and manage the country's domestic development. But locally, he said, their advantages -- being first in line for financing by state banks, first in line for state bailouts when they get in trouble, first in line for the stimulus gusher -- have created a ''profound inequality'' with private competitors.
Some analysts argue that the state-owned con-glomerates, built with state money and favors into global competitors, have now become political power centers in their own right, able to fend off even Beijing's efforts to rein them in.
Of the 129 major state enterprises, more than half the chairmen and chairwomen and more than one-third of the chief executive officers were ap-pointed by the central organization department of the Communist Party. A score or more serve on the party's Central Committee, which elects the ruling Politburo. They control not just the lifeblood of China's economy, but a corporate patronage system that dispenses top-paying executive jobs to relatives of the party's leading lights.
China's leaders have sought occasionally in the past year to curb speculative excesses by state-controlled businesses in real estate, lending and other areas. In May the State Council, a top-level policy body sometimes likened to the cabinet in the United States, issued orders to give private companies a better shot at government contracts -- for roads and bridges, finance and even military work -- that now go almost exclusively to state-owned companies. Virtually the same rules were issued five years ago, to little effect.
一个私人客运商,剩下的就是春秋航空,由创办人股份如此节俭,他与他的行政长官的100平方英尺的办公室,带分商务会议顽强地启动运行。
该创办,王正华,幸存的部分通过建立自己的电脑预订系统。他取消了计划中的采访。但是,在新闻报道中,他对他的竞争对手获得国家补助腐蚀性。 ''现已与10亿中国东部和中国南元''注射,一切都在混乱'',''他告诉商务审查,中文杂志。
中国的民营企业家有一个这样的演习口头禅:。''郭进,闵推拿,''或''国家的进步,私营部门退出''
在中国国有企业已经采取了最适合自己的经济,让私营部门''喝汤,而国有企业是吃的肉,''蔡华,副主任一室,对贸易,浙江省型组织,在接受采访时说。
第一行中
蔡先生说,他认为,中国需要州长的一代典范画校办产业在全球竞争和管理国家的国内发展。但在本地,他说,自己的优势-正在由国家银行,国有救助他们在遇到麻烦时,在第一线的刺激井喷融资行的第一行的第一个- 已经创造了一个深刻的不平等''''与私营竞争者。
一些分析家认为,国有企业集团,建有国家钱财,成为全球竞争者的青睐,已成为政治权力中心在其自己的权利,甚至能抵御北京的努力,发挥他们进来
在129个国家重点企业中,超过半数的主席及女主席和超过三分之一的人员美联社行政长官由共产党中央组织部门指出的三分之一。 A分以上担任党的中央委员会,选举产生政治局。他们不只是控制中国经济的命脉,但一个企业的赞助制度,免除最高薪的执行工作,以党的重要人物的亲属。
中国的领导人一直在寻求在过去一年中偶尔来遏制房地产,贷款和其他领域的国有控股企业的过度投机。今年五月,国务院一高层决策机构有时比喻为在美国内阁,下令给私营公司在政府合约更好的机会-道路和桥梁,金融,甚至军事工作 -现在去几乎全部国有企业。几乎发出了同样的规则五年前,收效甚微。
That founder, Wang Zhenghua, survived in part by building his own computer reservation system. He canceled a planned interview. But in Chinese news reports, he was caustic about the state subsidies given his competitors. ''Now with the injection of 10 billion yuan'' for China Eastern and China Southern, ''everything is in chaos,'' he told Biz Review, a Chinese magazine.
China's private entrepreneurs have a catchphrase for such maneuvers: ''guo jin, min tui,'' or ''the state advances, the private sector retreats.''
State-owned enterprises in China have taken the best of the economy for themselves, ''leaving the private sector drinking the soup while the state enterprises are eating the meat,'' Cai Hua, the vice director of a chamber-of-commerce-style organi-zation in Zhejiang Province, said in an interview.
First in Line
Mr. Cai says he believes that China needs gov-ernment-run industries to compete globally and manage the country's domestic development. But locally, he said, their advantages -- being first in line for financing by state banks, first in line for state bailouts when they get in trouble, first in line for the stimulus gusher -- have created a ''profound inequality'' with private competitors.
Some analysts argue that the state-owned con-glomerates, built with state money and favors into global competitors, have now become political power centers in their own right, able to fend off even Beijing's efforts to rein them in.
Of the 129 major state enterprises, more than half the chairmen and chairwomen and more than one-third of the chief executive officers were ap-pointed by the central organization department of the Communist Party. A score or more serve on the party's Central Committee, which elects the ruling Politburo. They control not just the lifeblood of China's economy, but a corporate patronage system that dispenses top-paying executive jobs to relatives of the party's leading lights.
China's leaders have sought occasionally in the past year to curb speculative excesses by state-controlled businesses in real estate, lending and other areas. In May the State Council, a top-level policy body sometimes likened to the cabinet in the United States, issued orders to give private companies a better shot at government contracts -- for roads and bridges, finance and even military work -- that now go almost exclusively to state-owned companies. Virtually the same rules were issued five years ago, to little effect.
一个私人客运商,剩下的就是春秋航空,由创办人股份如此节俭,他与他的行政长官的100平方英尺的办公室,带分商务会议顽强地启动运行。
该创办,王正华,幸存的部分通过建立自己的电脑预订系统。他取消了计划中的采访。但是,在新闻报道中,他对他的竞争对手获得国家补助腐蚀性。 ''现已与10亿中国东部和中国南元''注射,一切都在混乱'',''他告诉商务审查,中文杂志。
中国的民营企业家有一个这样的演习口头禅:。''郭进,闵推拿,''或''国家的进步,私营部门退出''
在中国国有企业已经采取了最适合自己的经济,让私营部门''喝汤,而国有企业是吃的肉,''蔡华,副主任一室,对贸易,浙江省型组织,在接受采访时说。
第一行中
蔡先生说,他认为,中国需要州长的一代典范画校办产业在全球竞争和管理国家的国内发展。但在本地,他说,自己的优势-正在由国家银行,国有救助他们在遇到麻烦时,在第一线的刺激井喷融资行的第一行的第一个- 已经创造了一个深刻的不平等''''与私营竞争者。
一些分析家认为,国有企业集团,建有国家钱财,成为全球竞争者的青睐,已成为政治权力中心在其自己的权利,甚至能抵御北京的努力,发挥他们进来
在129个国家重点企业中,超过半数的主席及女主席和超过三分之一的人员美联社行政长官由共产党中央组织部门指出的三分之一。 A分以上担任党的中央委员会,选举产生政治局。他们不只是控制中国经济的命脉,但一个企业的赞助制度,免除最高薪的执行工作,以党的重要人物的亲属。
中国的领导人一直在寻求在过去一年中偶尔来遏制房地产,贷款和其他领域的国有控股企业的过度投机。今年五月,国务院一高层决策机构有时比喻为在美国内阁,下令给私营公司在政府合约更好的机会-道路和桥梁,金融,甚至军事工作 -现在去几乎全部国有企业。几乎发出了同样的规则五年前,收效甚微。
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一所私立乘客载体依然是春天的航空公司,紧紧启动运行,那么节俭的创始人和他分享一个100-square-foot办公室行政长官和以sub-way业务会议。
那创始人,王正华幸存下来的部分原因是由于建筑他自己的电脑上的预定系统。他取消了计划面试。但在中国的新闻报导,他被损的国家补贴给他的竞争对手。“现在的注射100亿元”为中国东方和中国南部,是“天下大乱,”他告诉商务评审,中国杂志。
我国民营企业家拥有catchphrase等机动:"郭兄金、闽作用,”或“国家的进步,私营部门retreats.”
我国国有企业已采取最好的经济为自己,"离开私营部门喝汤,国有企业正在吃肉,“彩华,副主任chamber-of-commerce-style organi-zation在浙江省,在一个采访中说。
在第一线先生Cai表示他相信中国需要gov-ernment-run行业参与全球竞争和管理国家国内建设。但是,他说,在各自的优势,成为第一批国有银行而言,融资国家bailouts排在最前面时,他们会惹上麻烦,首先在生产线的陈旧的刺激了“深刻——不平等”与私人的竞争对手。
一些分析家指出国有con-glomerates,建立了国家的钱,促进全球竞争对手,现在已成为政治权力中心在他们自己的权力,能抵御甚至北京努力控制这种情形。
129的国家主要企业,超过一半的主席和chairwomen,超过三分之一的首席执行官是由中央组织部ap-pointed党籍。一个分数或更多的送达党的中央委员会选举政治局。不仅他们控制中国经济的命脉,但公司惠顾系统,与top-paying执行工作,党的领导的亲戚灯。
中国领导人寻求偶尔在过去的一年里,由国有企业缩减投机过度在房地产、贷款和其他领域。五月国务院、顶级政策的身体有时会与内阁在美国,发布命令给私营企业更好的投篮在政府合同,道路、桥梁、金融、甚至军事工作,这现在就完全国有企业。共发出几乎同样的规则5年前,收效甚微。
那创始人,王正华幸存下来的部分原因是由于建筑他自己的电脑上的预定系统。他取消了计划面试。但在中国的新闻报导,他被损的国家补贴给他的竞争对手。“现在的注射100亿元”为中国东方和中国南部,是“天下大乱,”他告诉商务评审,中国杂志。
我国民营企业家拥有catchphrase等机动:"郭兄金、闽作用,”或“国家的进步,私营部门retreats.”
我国国有企业已采取最好的经济为自己,"离开私营部门喝汤,国有企业正在吃肉,“彩华,副主任chamber-of-commerce-style organi-zation在浙江省,在一个采访中说。
在第一线先生Cai表示他相信中国需要gov-ernment-run行业参与全球竞争和管理国家国内建设。但是,他说,在各自的优势,成为第一批国有银行而言,融资国家bailouts排在最前面时,他们会惹上麻烦,首先在生产线的陈旧的刺激了“深刻——不平等”与私人的竞争对手。
一些分析家指出国有con-glomerates,建立了国家的钱,促进全球竞争对手,现在已成为政治权力中心在他们自己的权力,能抵御甚至北京努力控制这种情形。
129的国家主要企业,超过一半的主席和chairwomen,超过三分之一的首席执行官是由中央组织部ap-pointed党籍。一个分数或更多的送达党的中央委员会选举政治局。不仅他们控制中国经济的命脉,但公司惠顾系统,与top-paying执行工作,党的领导的亲戚灯。
中国领导人寻求偶尔在过去的一年里,由国有企业缩减投机过度在房地产、贷款和其他领域。五月国务院、顶级政策的身体有时会与内阁在美国,发布命令给私营企业更好的投篮在政府合同,道路、桥梁、金融、甚至军事工作,这现在就完全国有企业。共发出几乎同样的规则5年前,收效甚微。
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