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50分就想要一篇4个page的原创作文，这劳动力也忒贱了
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racism什么意思啊
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The terrible toll of racism in the U.S.
By Sharon Smith | March 19, 2004 | Page 7
HALF OF all Black men in New York City can’t find a job, while Black teenage unemployment stands at 37 percent nationwide. These statistics show a crisis among Black Americans that should be setting off alarm bells in election year 2004.
Yet even John Kerry, the candidate whose party’s voting base includes the vast majority of Blacks, has issued barely a sound bite. This should come as no surprise, since Black lives, Black votes and Black rights have been devalued since the Founding Fathers.
The original U.S. Constitution permitted slavery and counted Black slaves as three-fifths of white persons in determining both Congressional representation and taxation, embedding racism in the very foundation of U.S. society. The institution of slavery was abolished only through Civil War, a bloody second American Revolution that cost at least 600,000 lives.
But racism outlived slavery and flourished for the next 100 years in the form of Jim Crow segregation, in which the majority of states, from North Dakota to Texas to California, made it a crime for Blacks to intermingle with whites in all walks of life--from hospitals to cemeteries, lunch counters to phone booths, military service to marriage.
Jim Crow segregation laws were challenged and finally struck down only because of a massive civil rights struggle stretching over more than two decades, from the 1955 Montgomery bus boycott to the fight to enforce court-ordered school desegregation in the 1970s. But de facto segregation continued, North and South, while accusations of "reverse racism" and Black "welfare dependency" emanated from the political establishment, injecting racism with new life in the post-civil rights era.
Politicians from both the Democratic and Republican Parties scrambled to appear "tough on crime," embracing the so-called war on drugs, which tripled the prison population between 1980 and 1995. Two-thirds of those who entered the prison system during that period were Black, Latino or poor, and the vast majority of them were nonviolent drug offenders.
Today, with the prison population swollen to more than 2 million, African Americans make up just 12 percent of the U.S. population and only 13 percent of drug users, yet account for 35 percent of drug arrests and 53 percent of drug convictions. Blacks are also 43 percent of those on death row.
Last year, the U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics estimated that 30 percent of 12 year-old Black boys will spend time in jail in their lifetimes--far more than will attend college. And because many states have laws denying present and former inmates the right to vote, an estimated 13 percent of all Black men--including one in every three in Alabama and Florida--have been disenfranchised.
Racism, not criminal records, explains the high unemployment rate for Black men today. A recent Wall Street Journal report showed that in the city of Milwaukee, a white job applicant with a criminal record has a better chance of being called for an interview than a Black man with no criminal record.
"The disadvantage carried by a young Black man applying for a job as a dishwasher or a driver is equivalent to forcing a white man to carry an 18-month prison record on his back," concluded reporter David Wessel. And only racism can explain these statistics:
-- Segregation in public schools, which decreased continuously from the 1950s to the late 1980s, has now returned to levels not seen in three decades.
-- Black infants are almost two-and-a-half times more likely than white infants to die before the age of one, a wider gap than in 1970.
-- In 2002, 79 percent of Blacks aged 25 and older were high school graduates, compared with 30 percent in 1968. Yet the typical Black household had a net worth of just $19,000, compared with $121,000 for whites.
More than 200 years since slavery was written into the U.S. constitution, its racist legacy remains--and the words of abolitionist Frederick Douglass remain true: "Without struggle, there can be no progress." Only a struggle that shakes the foundation of U.S. society can end racism.
中文意思是：
那可怕的人数在美国的种族主义
一半的男性黑人在纽约找不到一份工作,而黑棋十几岁的失业站在37%覆盖全国。这些统计数据显示,美国黑人危机中应燃放警钟,在选举2004年。
然而,即使约翰·克里,候选人的党的投票基地包括绝大多数的黑人,颁发了差不多一声咬人。这应该来,一点也不令人讶异,因为黑色的生活,黑人选票和黑色的权利受到贬值自开国元勋。
原美国宪法允许奴隶制和计算的黑人奴隶的五分之三的人作为美国国会在确定白色代表和税收、包埋种族主义的美国社会的根本基础。废除奴隶制的机构而言,只有通过内战,一场血腥的第二次美国革命,花至少60万的生活。
奴隶制度和种族主义后,但接下来的100年的繁荣的形式,吉姆乌鸦偏析大多数的州,从北达科他州到德克萨斯州到加州,使其成为犯罪行为的黑人与白人混入各行各业的——从医院向坟场,午餐柜台电话展位,军事服务到婚姻。
吉姆乌鸦隔离法和挑战,终于发现了下来,只是因为大规模的民权斗争拉伸二十多年来,从1955年蒙哥马利巴士抵制运动向战斗执行几个学校种族隔离在20世纪70年代。但事实上的隔离继续,北部和南部,而“反种族歧视的指控“福利依赖”和“黑色的起源地从政治的设立、注入新生命的种族主义post-civil权利的时代。
政客民主党和共和党两党炒出现“严厉”融入到犯罪,所谓的毒品战争,这是三倍于1980年和1995年监狱人口之间。三分之二的w
呵呵找了半天给你找到的 虽然不是 我写的 但是写的还不错
By Sharon Smith | March 19, 2004 | Page 7
HALF OF all Black men in New York City can’t find a job, while Black teenage unemployment stands at 37 percent nationwide. These statistics show a crisis among Black Americans that should be setting off alarm bells in election year 2004.
Yet even John Kerry, the candidate whose party’s voting base includes the vast majority of Blacks, has issued barely a sound bite. This should come as no surprise, since Black lives, Black votes and Black rights have been devalued since the Founding Fathers.
The original U.S. Constitution permitted slavery and counted Black slaves as three-fifths of white persons in determining both Congressional representation and taxation, embedding racism in the very foundation of U.S. society. The institution of slavery was abolished only through Civil War, a bloody second American Revolution that cost at least 600,000 lives.
But racism outlived slavery and flourished for the next 100 years in the form of Jim Crow segregation, in which the majority of states, from North Dakota to Texas to California, made it a crime for Blacks to intermingle with whites in all walks of life--from hospitals to cemeteries, lunch counters to phone booths, military service to marriage.
Jim Crow segregation laws were challenged and finally struck down only because of a massive civil rights struggle stretching over more than two decades, from the 1955 Montgomery bus boycott to the fight to enforce court-ordered school desegregation in the 1970s. But de facto segregation continued, North and South, while accusations of "reverse racism" and Black "welfare dependency" emanated from the political establishment, injecting racism with new life in the post-civil rights era.
Politicians from both the Democratic and Republican Parties scrambled to appear "tough on crime," embracing the so-called war on drugs, which tripled the prison population between 1980 and 1995. Two-thirds of those who entered the prison system during that period were Black, Latino or poor, and the vast majority of them were nonviolent drug offenders.
Today, with the prison population swollen to more than 2 million, African Americans make up just 12 percent of the U.S. population and only 13 percent of drug users, yet account for 35 percent of drug arrests and 53 percent of drug convictions. Blacks are also 43 percent of those on death row.
Last year, the U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics estimated that 30 percent of 12 year-old Black boys will spend time in jail in their lifetimes--far more than will attend college. And because many states have laws denying present and former inmates the right to vote, an estimated 13 percent of all Black men--including one in every three in Alabama and Florida--have been disenfranchised.
Racism, not criminal records, explains the high unemployment rate for Black men today. A recent Wall Street Journal report showed that in the city of Milwaukee, a white job applicant with a criminal record has a better chance of being called for an interview than a Black man with no criminal record.
"The disadvantage carried by a young Black man applying for a job as a dishwasher or a driver is equivalent to forcing a white man to carry an 18-month prison record on his back," concluded reporter David Wessel. And only racism can explain these statistics:
-- Segregation in public schools, which decreased continuously from the 1950s to the late 1980s, has now returned to levels not seen in three decades.
-- Black infants are almost two-and-a-half times more likely than white infants to die before the age of one, a wider gap than in 1970.
-- In 2002, 79 percent of Blacks aged 25 and older were high school graduates, compared with 30 percent in 1968. Yet the typical Black household had a net worth of just $19,000, compared with $121,000 for whites.
More than 200 years since slavery was written into the U.S. constitution, its racist legacy remains--and the words of abolitionist Frederick Douglass remain true: "Without struggle, there can be no progress." Only a struggle that shakes the foundation of U.S. society can end racism.
中文意思是：
那可怕的人数在美国的种族主义
一半的男性黑人在纽约找不到一份工作,而黑棋十几岁的失业站在37%覆盖全国。这些统计数据显示,美国黑人危机中应燃放警钟,在选举2004年。
然而,即使约翰·克里,候选人的党的投票基地包括绝大多数的黑人,颁发了差不多一声咬人。这应该来,一点也不令人讶异,因为黑色的生活,黑人选票和黑色的权利受到贬值自开国元勋。
原美国宪法允许奴隶制和计算的黑人奴隶的五分之三的人作为美国国会在确定白色代表和税收、包埋种族主义的美国社会的根本基础。废除奴隶制的机构而言,只有通过内战,一场血腥的第二次美国革命,花至少60万的生活。
奴隶制度和种族主义后,但接下来的100年的繁荣的形式,吉姆乌鸦偏析大多数的州,从北达科他州到德克萨斯州到加州,使其成为犯罪行为的黑人与白人混入各行各业的——从医院向坟场,午餐柜台电话展位,军事服务到婚姻。
吉姆乌鸦隔离法和挑战,终于发现了下来,只是因为大规模的民权斗争拉伸二十多年来,从1955年蒙哥马利巴士抵制运动向战斗执行几个学校种族隔离在20世纪70年代。但事实上的隔离继续,北部和南部,而“反种族歧视的指控“福利依赖”和“黑色的起源地从政治的设立、注入新生命的种族主义post-civil权利的时代。
政客民主党和共和党两党炒出现“严厉”融入到犯罪,所谓的毒品战争,这是三倍于1980年和1995年监狱人口之间。三分之二的w
呵呵找了半天给你找到的 虽然不是 我写的 但是写的还不错
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这是网上复制的？有没有原创的啊？？？？
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你改下啊 ，去哪里找 这种文章嘛 。看见可以的就提取出来自己在加点。
文章意思是：
那可怕的人数在美国的种族主义
一半的男性黑人在纽约找不到一份工作,而黑棋十几岁的失业站在37%覆盖全国。这些统计数据显示,美国黑人危机中应燃放警钟,在选举2004年。
然而,即使约翰·克里,候选人的党的投票基地包括绝大多数的黑人,颁发了差不多一声咬人。这应该来,一点也不令人讶异,因为黑色的生活,黑人选票和黑色的权利受到贬值自开国元勋。
原美国宪法允许奴隶制和计算的黑人奴隶的五分之三的人作为美国国会在确定白色代表和税收、包埋种族主义的美国社会的根本基础。废除奴隶制的机构而言,只有通过内战,一场血腥的第二次美国革命,花至少60万的生活。
奴隶制度和种族主义后,但接下来的100年的繁荣的形式,吉姆乌鸦偏析大多数的州,从北达科他州到德克萨斯州到加州,使其成为犯罪行为的黑人与白人混入各行各业的——从医院向坟场,午餐柜台电话展位,军事服务到婚姻。
吉姆乌鸦隔离法和挑战,终于发现了下来,只是因为大规模的民权斗争拉伸二十多年来,从1955年蒙哥马利巴士抵制运动向战斗执行几个学校种族隔离在20世纪70年代。但事实上的隔离继续,北部和南部,而“反种族歧视的指控“福利依赖”和“黑色的起源地从政治的设立、注入新生命的种族主义post-civil权利的时代。
政客民主党和共和党两党炒出现“严厉”融入到犯罪,所谓的毒品战争,这是三倍于1980年和1995年监狱人口之间。
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