Question

高分悬赏，外文翻译急，在线等，务必不要机器翻译，要通顺谢谢

The green barrier to free trade
At the end of the latest round of meetings of the agricultural negotiations committee of the WTO, the optimism that negotiators would meet the March 31 deadline for working out numerical targets, formulas and other "modalities" through which countries can frame their liberalisation commitments in a new full-fledged round of trade negotiations has almost disappeared. That target was important for two reasons.
First, it is now becoming clear, that even more than was true during the Uruguay Round, forging an agreement in the agricultural area is bound to prove extremely difficult.
Progress in the agricultural negotiations was key to persuading the unconvinced that a new ‘Doha Round’ of trade negotiations is useful and feasible.
Second, the Doha declaration made agricultural negotiations one part of a `single undertaking' to be completed by January 1, 2005. That is, in a take ‘all-or-nothing’ scheme, countries had to arrive at, and be bound by, agreements in all areas in which negotiations were to be initiated in the new round. This means that if agreement is not worked out with regard to agriculture, there would be no change in the multilateral trade regime governing industry, services or related areas and no progress in new areas, such as competition policy, foreign investment and public procurement, all of which are crucial to the economic agenda of the developed countries.
The factors making agriculture the sticking point on this occasion are numerous. As in the last Round, there is little agreement among the developed countries themselves on the appropriate shape of the global agricultural trade regime.
There are substantial differences in the agenda of the US, the EU and the developed countries within the Cairns group of agricultural exporters. When the rich and the powerful disagree, a global consensus is not easy to come by.
But that is not all. Even if an agreement is stitched up between the rich nations, through manoeuvres such as the Blair House accord, getting the rest of the world to go along would be more difficult this time.
This is because the outcomes in the agricultural trade area since the implementation of the Uruguay Round (UR) Agreement on Agriculture (AoA) began have fallen far short of expectations. In the course of Round, advocates of the UR regime had promised global production adjustments that would increase the value of world agricultural trade and an increase in developing country share of such trade.

Answer 1

绿色的自由贸易的障碍
在最后的会议的最新一轮的世贸组织农业谈判委员会,乐观的态度,谈判可能可以满足于3月31日的最后期限为制定目标数量化、配方和其他“形式主义”,通过它的国家能勾勒他们的自由化承诺在一个新的如日中天的一轮的贸易谈判几乎已经消失。目标是重要的,原因有两个。
第一,它是现在变得清晰,甚至比是真的在乌拉圭回合达成的协议,锻造的农业地区注定要证明非常困难。
农业谈判进展是关键,一个新的劝说很不服气的多哈回合的贸易谈判是有用的,也是可行的。
第二,使农业谈判多哈宣言的一部分的“单身事业要完成2005年1月1号。也就是说,在拍全有全无分配的计划,国家都尽力到达,并遵守、协议在各领域里,谈判是在开始在新的一轮。这就意味着,如果协议没有制定关于农业,就不会有变化的多边贸易体制治理行业、服务或相关地区、没有进步在新的领域,如竞争政策,外国投资和公共采购,所有这一切都是非常关键的经济议程的发达国家。
这使得农业的症结因素在这种场合有很多。在最后一轮中,很少有协议的发达国家自己在适当的形状的全球农业贸易体制。
有实质性的差异在议程的美国、欧盟和发达国家在凯恩斯群的农产品出口国。当那位富有的和强大的不同意,一个全球共识是不容易搞到。
但这还不是所有。即使一个协议之间的缝富有的国家,通过诸如布莱尔大厅演习一致,得到世界上其他地方的人,一起去将更困难。
这是因为结果在农业贸易区域实施后,乌拉圭回合农业协议(你的)(农产品协定的)开始已经远不及人们对他的期望。在本课程中圆的拥护者们你的政权所承诺的全球生产的调整,这将增加的价值并增加了世界农业贸易的份额在发展中国家的贸易往来。

Answer 2

绿色屏障，在对农业谈判世贸组织，乐观委员会会议结束的最新一轮自由贸易谈判将符合3月31日制订的数字指标，公式等“模式”可以通过哪些国家的最后期限在一个新的框架全面的贸易谈判回合的自由化承诺而几乎消失。这一目标是重要的两个原因。首先，现在是越来越清楚，这甚至超过了在乌拉圭回合的真实，锻造在农业领域的协议必将证明是极为困难的。在农业谈判取得进展的关键是说服不相信一个新的'多哈回合的贸易谈判是有益和可行的。第二，多哈宣言中所作的一个`单一承诺'是由2005年1月1日完成农业谈判的一部分。也就是说，在采取'全有或没有什么计划，国家已经到达，并通过在所有领域中，谈判的协议，在新一轮启动的约束。这意味着，如果协议没有使用过了关于农业，就没有在多边贸易体制的管理行业，服务或相关的领域，也没有在新的领域，如竞争政策，外国投资和公共采购，进度变化，所有这些都是至关重要的发达国家经济议程。的因素，使农业在这次的症结是多方面的。由于在上一轮，他们之间有没有协议，发达国家对全球农产品贸易制度的适当形状。有在美国，欧盟和发达国家在农产品出口国凯恩斯集团议程的重大分歧。当富人和强大的反对，一个全球性的共识是不容易得到。但这还不是全部。即使协议是缝合富国之间，通过诸如布莱尔宫协议演习，得到了世界其他国家一起去会比较困难，这时间。这是因为自乌拉圭回合谈判（乌拉圭回合）农业协定（AOA）的实施在农业贸易领域的成果已开始远远低于预期。在圆的过程中，乌拉圭回合政权主张答应全球生产调整，将增加世界农产品贸易的价值和在发展中国家的这种贸易份额的增加。